Wednesday, November 25, 2009

Mafia that not only influences the financial system but people’s lives as well

Many features have dealt with the Mafia that not only influences the financial system but people’s lives as well. Others concern the blatant wretchedness of the “disfranchised” lower classes — the old people, as also the youth and women flung into prostitution and other evils. They focus additionally on the decline in old world graciousness from the otherwise doubtful communist values. Many of these masters have shed a critical eye on the communist period and the submissiveness of the Romanian people throughout that period.

“The revolution of 1989 ended the tyrannical rule of Nicolae Ceausescu, but it was much later that filmmakers ultimately found their tone and tenor. Naturally, the Romanians stand for the most modern national film movement to catch fire,” says Anthony Kaufman, celebrated critic, while talking to TSI.

The cinemas that brought those voices back were “The Death of Mr Lazarescu” (2005), a hilarious send-up of bureaucratic ineptitude by Christi Puiu and Cristian Mungiu’s “4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days” (2007) which follows the endeavour of two female apprentices to terminate a pregnancy, banned in communist Romania.

Mutually, all these above mentioned directors have offered Romanian cinema a lusciously fresh cinematic dialect glued by loaded elocutionary and insular predilections. Remarkable is their recurrent use of pensive long shots and the acerbic humour which infuses their examination of post-Ceausescu Romania.

“Eager to take to pieces even the most esteemed cultural institutions, this generation has shaped one of the most inventive, impudent and quintessential national cinemas,” adds Andrew James Horton, a cinema critic with Kinoeye, the respected Eastern European Cinema journal, in a conversation with TSI.

If Romania is booming, can Czech Republic be far behind? The “Czech film miracle” was shaped in the 60s by ‘New Wave’ directors like Miloš Forman. However, following Spring of 1968, it came to a sudden end. Since that day, the censor’s scissors determined the directors’ lives.

Following the Velvet Revolution in November 1989, Czech movies underwent a systemic alteration. The state film monopoly was eliminated. The largely evident expression of the influx of market mechanisms was the renovation of the genre formation and fall in number of productions. However, the fall in viewership, combined with the newfound enthusiasm for democracy, absurdly caused a thematic disaster and the lack of fitting subjects. The appearance of political status quo stopped the elevation of the artistic act to a political level.

Here too, the young generation that had adapted to the new social and political realities without the so-called “moral decline” came to its rescue. They brought Czech cinema back to the international stage and the pioneer was Jan Sverák's Oscar-winning film “Kolja” (Kolya, 1995). The film takes a hilarious look at Communist-era tyranny and placing it over a tale of a carefree womaniser who finally has to take care of a five-year-old boy, possibly his own illicit progeny. His next feature, “Dark Blue World” (Tmavomodry Svet, 2001) recuperates Czech pilots who fought for their Western Allies in the World War II and consequently had to endure mental and physical torture under communism.

These filmmakers ultimately found their voice and visuals, made a name and turned their respective nations into an adequation for unsullied cinema on the global scene; much like their Iranian counterparts did before them.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Tuesday, November 10, 2009

In the line of fire

An assassination story offers a rich context for a filmmaker – suspense, drama, action, morality and more. No wonder it has fascinated filmmakers and the result has been brilliantly and innovatively crafted gripping classics. Tareque Laskar examines the assassination plot as it unfolds on the silver screen

Shakespeare may have invented the word in the 16th Century, but it has served as a plot point since ages. Naturally, a subject like an assassination holds great sway over the cinematic medium, with some of the most memorable movies being made with one assassination or the other as a backdrop. An assassination holds intrigue, action, suspense and shenanigans in equal measure and is perfect fodder for a gripping script. And the conspiracy theories don’t hurt either. Look at “JFK”, Oliver Stone’s epic film starring Kevin Costner. The film which examined the JFK assassination through the perspective of a New Orleans District Attorney who discovers there’s more to the Kennedy assassination than the official story and had the tagline ‘The story that won’t go away’. The film, its editing style (it won an Oscar for best editing) puts it right up there on the top of classic movies that treated the subject of an assassination. Shedding light on filmmakers’ fascination for the subject, director Sudhir Mishra tells TSI, “It depends on what the assassination is. It is an event which has a past, which has a story, which can either be the beginning of something or the end of something. There is a dramatic convergence of people, a lot of it will be visual, and a lot of it will be non-verbal so a filmmaker can get interested in a visual way of telling stories. What attracts a filmmaker is an event in which you can say something without dialogues which offers great possibility for sound, for picture, it is an ideal cinematic event in all sorts of ways.” “JFK” fits the description perfectly. So does the Tom Cruise starrer “Valkyrie” which told the story of the plot to kill Adolf Hitler hatched (and then botched) by his own military officers led by the wily Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg.

Sudhir Mishra feels that an assassination film, “can either be trivial, which most of them are, or it can lead to something more interesting.” He continues, “The attraction would be that you can tell a story presuming that there is a possibility of doing something very interesting. There is a characterization there of both the assassin and the person who is assassinated; it can be explored, it can be put in the context of many things– that is the attraction for me personally. I like to tell a story which is tensed and exciting at the same time.” In fact, Hollywood’s tryst with the subject of assassination had mostly derived the excitement out of the post mortem of the event than the event itself. Gabriel Range’s “Death of A President” examined the hypothetical assassination of George W. Bush and its aftermath in a documentary style.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



The Woman, The Icon

TSI talks to people who knew Mrs Gandhi well and finds out that 25 years after she was assassinated, she still remains an enigma, a statesman who dared to take issues head on

Sheila Dikshit, Chief Minister of Delhi

When Emergency was declared, I went to meet Indiraji. She was looking very disturbed and unhappy. I did not ask her anything but it was quite evident from the way she looked that she was herself not happy about the decision.

One day she came over to my place for dinner. I offered her jalebi with ice cream. She just loved the combo. Jalebi was her all-time favourite sweet, but she had never eaten it with ice cream before. She also loved the noodles that I served. The next day itself, she sent her cook to my house to pick up the recipe.

(As told to Priyanka Rai)


J.B. Patnaik, Former Chief Minister of Orissa

Orissa and its people are very fortunate since a leader and statesman like Indira Gandhi had spent her last days with us just before her unfortunate assassination. She had been to Orissa for a two-day official visit. As the Chief Minister of the state and leader of the Congress Legislative Party, I was accompanying her during the tour. After meeting people and visiting places, she was so happy that in a public gathering she declared, “My next visit to Orissa will be as a tourist, not as a Prime Minister."

On October 30, 1984, after addressing her last public meeting at Bhubaneshwar, where she had uttered those famous lines, “I am not interested in a long life. I don't mind if my life goes in the service of this nation. If I die today, every drop of my blood will invigorate the nation,” Mrs Gandhi directly rushed to the airport to return to Delhi.

A few minutes before she boarded the aircraft, I asked her, "Madam, I want to meet you in Delhi. I have something important to discuss." She immediately answered, "All right. But after being confirmed I will be there or not." I was a little astonished with her answer. Whenever I asked for an appointment, she would say: “Yes, come.”

The very next morning, I got the shocking news that Mrs Gandhi was admitted to AIIMS after being attacked by her bodyguards. And the rest is history. When I analyse her last speech in Bhubaneshwar and her response to my request, I strongly believe that Mrs Gandhi perhaps had a "premonition" about her death.

(As told to Dhrutikam Mohanty)

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Monday, November 09, 2009

“Indira Gandhi had a big heart”

One of Indira Gandhi’s closest political aides reminisces about her daily ‘open durbar’ that helped her keep abreast of what was happening around her

This daily darshan, call it ‘Indira Durbar’, was a kind of gathering where the Prime Minister would receive petitioners. People would come to her with problems ranging from mistreatment of sacred cows to cases of police brutality. She picked up this direct contact concept from her father. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru used to meet the public at eight in the morning every weekday. There were no security checks during those days.

She started meeting people this way when she became the information & broadcasting minister. Her doors used to be open for everyone; anyone was allowed to meet her and place their grievances before her. Partymen too would come to seek suggestions regarding political issues.

She didn’t have much say in the government then, so she used to forward most petitions to the departments concerned. But when she became Prime Minister, she started this practice of going to 1 Akbar Road at 8 am sharp from Monday to Friday. She would spend almost two hours there.

Some people would turn up only to meet her and get clicked with her. Some used to come with petitions. MLAs and MPs would meet her to share their views regarding party matters. Everybody’s problem was handled in a very systematic manner. There was one person in charge of petitions. He was called the private secretary (public) and his office used to be in the public section in Rail Bhavan.

In the morning the private secretary used to be present there and all the petitions were given to him. The political petitions were my domain and I used to follow up with the ministers and chief ministers concerned. Political work was done by me. Every evening we used to give her the report about what has been done on the petitions. She used to get first-hand knowledge of the situation around her and within her party.

Indiraji woke up at 5.30 am everyday, did yoga for an hour and had her breakfast by 7.45 am. The same routine was followed even when she was out of power from 1977 to 1980. Only MPs and MLAs would visit her during this phase. The public petitioners stayed away because they knew that she was not in a position to solve their problems. Initially, for the first six to eight months after she was voted out of power, everyone stopped coming. Only a handful of close friends visited her.

This was also the time when she discovered her real supporters because a lot of people she trusted betrayed her during this phase of her life. People who used to be in her Cabinet were the first to go and report before the Shah Commission. She was hurt not because people had deserted here but because some her own former Cabinet colleagues were making all sorts of wrong submissions to the Shah Commission.

The first person who appeared before the Commission and deposed against her was her law minister HR Gokhale, who used to be very close to her. Other ministers from her Cabinet like C. Subramaniam and DP Chattopadhayay followed him. They all joined her back when she returned to power. She had a big heart. Virendra Patil contested against her in Chickmaglur in 1978 and she still inducted him in her cabinet. She was not vengeful.

Siddhartha Shankar Ray, who had been pressing her to declare Emergency, actively deposed before the Shah Commission. One day, when she entered the Shah Commission he told her very sarcastically: “You are looking fit.” She replied: “You are doing everything possible to keep me fit.”

On one occasion, during this low phase of her political career, she bought a lottery ticket from a vendor. The prize money was to the tune of Rs 10 lakh. She told me that she would donate the money to the All India Congress Committee if she won.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Thursday, November 05, 2009

Once bitten, twice shy

The CPI(M)-led LDF will not repeat the mistake of hugging Madani in public this time as The congress-led udf readies for the battle for three assembly constituencies in kerala, says Anu Warrier

During the last Lok Sabha polls, a CPI(M) Politburo member from Kerala was sad that the state had only 20 constituencies. As the results came out, he boarded himself up inside Delhi’s AKG Bhavan. Party committees blamed chief minister V.S. Achuthanandan’s remarks, his studied silence on controversial issues and the LDF’s relationship with Abdul Nasser Madani’s Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the loss of 16 seats. Now, the party faces yet another litmus test. The three Assembly seats, which fell vacant after the representatives got elected to the Lok Sabha, go to polls on November 7.

As usual, the fight is between the CPI(M)-led LDF and the Congress-led UDF. Unlike the parliamentary elections, this time both fronts are reluctant to claim victory. The constituencies as well as the warring fronts themselves have been in considerable flux.

In an attempt to come clean in front of the voters, the LDF has made sure that CPI(M) state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan does not hug Madani this time. Vijayan had supported Madani, who was in jail for nine years as an accused in Coimbatore blast case, against all odds in the Lok Sabha polls. He had even challenged the CPI, another key LDF constituent, to protect the interests of the PDP chairman on Ponnani seat. Now he keeps mum on his party’s relationship with PDP. To add to that, Madani has fielded his candidate against G. Krishnaprasad, the CPI nominee in Alappuzha. But in Ernakulam and Kannur, where CPI(M) candidates are in the fray, PDP has offered support to the LDF. However, the CPI(M) leadership has assured other LDF constituents that the front will not share dais with any party that is not a part of the front.

Another major change has been chief minister V.S. Achuthanandan’s ouster from the party’s supreme committee over charges of factionalism. Achuthanandan, who was always vocal in criticising the official faction of the party, is virtually silent after the Politburo action against him. He even inaugurated the LDF poll campaign at Kannur, where his archrival and Pinarayi-confidant M.V.Jayarajan puts up a hard fight against A.P. Abdullakkutty, the former CPI(M) MP who changed sides after getting booted out from the party just before the Lok Sabha polls. The UDF has another advantage in Kannur. The Janata Dal (S) faction, led by M.P. Veerendra Kumar, has officially joined the UDF. Moreover, there is no history of an LDF candidate winning the Kannur Assembly seat.

The bypolls in Alappuzha, Ernakulam and Kannur have become a trial of strength for both the fronts. The seats, held by UDF, fell vacant after the representatives were elected to the Lok Sabha and the LDF has made this an issue for campaign. The UDF wants to prove that the victory in the parliamentary election was not a fluke. The LDF, on the other hand, is determined to wrest at least one seat this time to show that the Lok Sabha poll result was just a one-time occurrence.


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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Tuesday, November 03, 2009

Always spell success

You were known for bailing India out of tight corners. What was it about you that made you click under pressure?

I probably used to concentrate harder in pressure situations. When the chips are down and you perform under pressure, you feel great. I used to love that type of feeling. I felt that I had done my bit for the team.

Your last century was a double ton and you batted for almost 11 hours. Do you think the present generation lacks that type of concentration?

That’s the longest innings of my life. No doubt that was one of my most satisfying knocks. That showed the world that I was not only a stroke-maker but could also stay at the crease as long as I wanted. A perfect batsman has to take this type of challenges on and off. Whenever the team needs him, he has to hold one end up. You are not there to simply hit the ball. You have to defend when needed.

On the 1983 Pakistan tour, you seemed to have lost your touch. What actually happened?

In Pakistan, I had a couple of good scores. One or two decisions went against me. I am not complaining. If you look at my career graph my performance was consistent all through. That was a six-Test series. In 3 or 4 innings I was really batting well and some decisions went against me. So I missed out. I tried to stage a comeback. It didn’t work. But I don’t have any real regrets.

Coming back to the evolution of cricket, do you really like the T20 format?

In this form of cricket if someone really plays good cricketing shots, everyone can enjoy it. I really appreciate good cricketing shots in any form of the game. But there is no scope for genuine strokeplay in the abbreviated version of the game.

Is this shorter format allowing youngsters to learn basic techniques of cricket?

Even in this format you have to concentrate on correct technique and temperament. If a player has good technique, he can play in any format. Be it T20, ODI or Test matches, he can make mark. Only with good technique a player can survive long. Without that he can produce one or two good innings. But at the end he will be exposed.

Some people are now talking about tweaking the format of Tests and ODIs. What’s your view on the issue?

I think Test cricket should be left alone. It’s the most beautiful format of the game – it’s the greatest platform for a cricketer to demonstrate his skills. What will they achieve by introducing three or four-days Tests? People who genuinely love cricket still watch Test matches. In a Test match, played over five days, the pendulum swings from one team to the other and that is the real beauty of the format. It should be preserved come what may. It is the ultimate format of the game and the real test for a cricketer. Why should we tinker with it when there isn't any need?


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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative